Harley Davidsons International Business Strategy Essay

Harley Davidsons International Business Strategy - Essay Example I would consider my expansion in two major countries that are attracting many other international firms; India and China. The two countries hold a lot of potential due to their massive population factor that increases the number of people who would be interested in buying the Harley Davidson Bike. The decision of Harley Davidson of not producing overseas might have some through thinking behind it but I evaluate this as a step backward by not exploring international production facilities that would surely decrease the cost of production per unit for Harley Davidson bike due to cheap labor available internationally like in countries China; Taiwan, Korea etc With International manufacturing facilities; Harley Davidson can not only take advantage of the cheap labor cost but also other aspects that affect the cost of production e.g. energy cost; Capital cost and the region’s local laws and tariffs that might facilitate Harley Davidson. Through International Manufacturing bases; Harley Davidson can also make effective measures in maintaining their inventories for the nearby target Markets. The disadvantage of Harley Davidson opening an overseas manufacturing facility can be a possible slide down of high quality that Harley Davidson has maintained with its product line as Quality standards are much hard to manage from a distance far from the central control. The movement from product to services has affected positively for the company. The sense of adventure that a Harley customer gets from the bike is well tapped by the company. Product maintenance service; after sale customer service and creating accessories other than those related to the bike itself has created a feeling of belongingness to the â€Å"Harley Owner Group†. The major competitive advantage that UPS has is the constant introduction of modern technology.

Ignominy in the Puritan Community Essay Example for Free

Ignominy in the Puritan Community Essay The title of Nathaniel Hawthorne’s The Scarlet Letter refers to the literal symbol of ignominy that Hester Prynne’s community forces her to wear as a reminder of her sin. Though the word â€Å"ignominy† is used in sympathetic passages that describe Hester Prynne’s disgrace as an adulteress and out-of-wedlock mother, its use at the same time reveals an extremely critical description of Hester’s community; Hawthorne finds that what is truly disgraceful is the way the community relishes and exploits the opportunity to punish one of its members. Through powerful diction and imagery describing Hester’s sin and through saintly representations of Hester’s beauty and wholeness, Hawthorne reveals his sympathy toward Hester. The narrator commiserates with Hester when the reader first encounters her walking to her daily public shaming upon the marketplace’s scaffold. He writes, â€Å"her beauty shone out and made a halo of misfortune and ignominy in which she was enveloped† (50). The word â€Å"halo† suggests an angelic, even saintly quality, compared to the sin for which she is being publicly disgraced as punishment, making her circumstance more complex than simply one of punished sin. That she is â€Å"enveloped† by disgrace implies that her shame derives more from her surroundings than from her sin; Hawthorne’s use of â€Å"misfortune† also demonstrates the narrator’s sympathy toward Hester, again suggesting that her disgrace comes as much from the community’s display of her sin as from the sin itself. Hawthorne portrays Hester sympathetically yet again in her encounter with Chillingworth in the prison. The disguised physician declares Hester to be â€Å"a statue of ignominy, before the people† (68). Ironically, Chillingworth, in the role of a healer, here admonishes rather than helps Hes ter. His words, intended to threaten and punish Hester, in fact, spark sympathy for her in the reader. Similarly, later in the novel, while Hester and Dimmesdale talk in the forest, briefly away from the opprobrium of the Puritan community, Hawthorne describes how â€Å"Hester Prynne must take up again the burden of her ignominy† (170), on her return â€Å"to the settlement.† The use of the words â€Å"must† and â€Å"again† reveal Hester’s continual forced obligation to wear and be a symbol of shame in her community, and show again the narrator’s sympathy toward her. The fact that she is â€Å"burden[ed]† by disgrace illustrates the extreme weight of her painful, shunned experience, thus establishing the cause for the narrator’s sympathy for Hester. As Hawthorne shows empathy regarding Hester as she leaves the prison, he also condemns the harsh experience inflicted on her by the community, â€Å"The very law that condemned her†¦had held her up, through the terrible ordeal of her ignominy† (71). The words â€Å"terrible ordeal† not only reinforce the narrator’s sympathy toward the protagonist, but also suggest that the narrator is judging the community, not Hester. By revealing the community’s enjoyment and cruelty in punishing Hester, Hawthorne criticizes the Puritan’s ideas of justice and mercy through both assertive diction and direct communication with the reader. When â€Å"A crowd of eager and curious schoolboys† stare â€Å"at the ignominious letter on her breast† (52), the reader sees the â€Å"eager† pleasure and excitement witnesses experience from Hester’s circumstance. Here Hester’s disgrace has become both an entertainment and an educational device. The narrator continues with, â€Å"she perchance underwent an agony†¦as if her heart had been flung into the street for them all to spurn and trample upon† (52). With this description, Hester’s humanity is maintained, even when the comm unity, â€Å"all† of it, objectifies her as a teaching tool. The image of her heart â€Å"flung†, â€Å"spurn[ed] and trample[d] upon† demonstrates both the narrator’s sympathy toward Hester and animosity toward Puritan society, regardless of the age of the member. Shortly after his description of the schoolboy’s callous treatment of Hester, the narrator continues with a harsh account of the scaffold and pillory once employed upon it, â€Å"that instrument of discipline† that represented â€Å"the very ideal of ignominy† (52). The pillory reflects the nature of the community’s sense of justice, and the narrator finds it extremely harsh. The word â€Å"ideal,† often associated with perfection, suggests that the pillory signifies the ultimate desired effect of â€Å"ignominy:† public shame from which the sinner cannot turn away. Next, it would seem that Hawthorne speaks out directly and emotionally to the reader, declaring, â€Å"There can be no outrage, methinks, against our common nature, whatever be the delinquencies of the individual, no outrage more flagrant than to forbid the culprit to hide his face for shame† (52). Hawthorn’s use of word â€Å"methinks† suggests his forceful personal address on this issue of cruelty; he weighs in powerfully against the malice of the Pilgrim community that punishes Hester, even if it has not subjected her to the pillory. The word â€Å"no† implies Hawthorne’s view that this punishment is an absolute violation of human decency on the part of any community that turns a criminal into a victim by inflicting the use of a pillory. The letter â€Å"A† Hester must wear shows that the Puritans have depersonalized Hester as part of her punishment for committing adultery. The Puritan community is again portrayed as disgraceful when â€Å"John Wilson, the eldest clergyman of Boston† (60), steps forward above the scaffold where Hester continues to stand. He â€Å"had carefully prepared himself for the occasion† (63). Clearly, the words â€Å"carefully prepared† show Wilson relishing the public opportunity to punish Hester. He delivers to the community â€Å"a discourse on sin, in all its branches, but with continual reference to the ignominious letter† (63). His repeated reference to the scarlet letter underscores his depersonalization of Hester in her disgrace, without any consideration of her human suffering. The word â€Å"ignominious† reflects as much about the opportunistic clergyman and the punishing Pilgrim audience as it does about Hester’s sin. The narrator continues, â€Å"So forcefully did [Wilson] dwell upon this symbol, for the hour or more during which his periods were rolling over the people’s heads, that it assumed new terrors in their imagination† (63). The length of this sermon, and the nature of Wilson’s â€Å"rolling† delivery show the clergyman’s intention to hammer his message into the crowd and fire up its punishing judgment. Hawthorne continues to criticize the community as he places Hester historically at the site where she was first disgraced. The narrator notes, â€Å"If the minister’s voice had not kept her there, there would nevertheless have been an inevitable magnetism in that spot, whence she dated the first hour of her life of ignominy† (211). Implied is the idea that the power of public shaming by the community causes her to remain. Specifically, by noting that the scaffold is where â€Å"the first hour of her life of ignominy† began the author criticizes the community by revealing that Hester did not experience â€Å"ignominy† until being publicly disgraced on the scaffold, even though her sin had been committed many months prior. With his use of the word â€Å"ignominy,† Hawthorne repeats throughout The Scarlet Letter the cruelty, judgmental attitude, and narrow-mindedness of Puritan society. He portrays Hester’s community as condemning sinners mercilessly, refusing to accept ideas that are foreign to their ways of living or thinking. In this way, the townspeople depersonalize Hester, suggesting that she and her disgrace are one. Hester is seen as her sin, not as a complex human being with complicated, still unknown, circumstances.

Economic factors that affect the colgate brand

Economic factors that affect the colgate brand The overall economy of the country is showing a stable growth. Therefore this industry is also showing a growth of 10%. But the inflation is growing rapidly which is not a good sign for the new entrants. Change in the interest rate also affects the industry. Hence the new entrants are also threatened by the increasing interest rates. Economic factors do influence the bargaining power of buyers as inflation is the major factor that is affecting the consumers hard. Economic factors do not affect the availability of substitutes. But since inflation is growing, so it is hard for the poor people to switch to more modern products like washing powder, tooth paste. They would rather prefer oil to clean their clothes and use miswak to brush their teeth. Economic factors do have an affect on the bargaining power of suppliers as inflation is rising fast. Suppliers demand that they would provide the necessary raw material at a higher price. Exchange rate fluctuations also affect the cost of raw material. Economic factors do affect the rivalry among the competitors as all the players in the industry want to have cost leadership. The economic factors are favoring intense competition from the last five years. People have more money at their disposal. Also Pakistan is a consumption oriented society (Hiatt, Jeff.). Quantitative Strategic Planning Matrix (QSPM) STRATEGY 1 STRATEGY 2 Weights AS TAS AS TAS STRENGTHS Market leader in surface care with 90% market share 0.15 Good Leadership 0.06 Employee commitment 0.12 3 0.36 2 0.24 Cooling crystal patent 0.1 Accurate forecast with respect to demand 0.07 4 0.28 2 0.14 High EPS 0.08 3 0.24 2 0.16 Strong advertisement and promotional campaign 0.08 2 0.16 3 0.24 WEAKNESSES IT not used optimally 0.13 4 0.52 2 0.26 No ecommerce 0.1 3 0.3 2 0.26 No proper use of forward integration 0.05 2 0.1 3 0.15 They are not exporting their products to other countries 0.06 1 OPPORTUNITIES Exploring into new categories like shampoo, hand wash , body wash, shower gel 0.14 2 0.28 4 0.56 Rural population switching from miswak to toothpaste 0.06 Gap in tooth brush market 0.08 2 0.16 3 0.24 Implementation of ERP(SAP) 0.14 4 0.56 2 0.28 People becoming hygiene and beauty conscious 0.1 2 0.2 3 0.3 No layoffs 0.07 THREATS(T) Raw material and energy prices are increasing 0.12 3 0.36 2 0.24 Inflation in the country 0.07 3 0.21 2 0.14 Competitors re launching their products 0.1 2 0.2 3 0.3 Competitors increasing their marketing budgets 0.06 2 0.12 3 0.18 Unstable law and order conditions. 0.06 1 TOTAL 4.05 3.69 Rivalry among existing competitors Yes (+) No (-) The industry is growing rapidly. à ¢Ã‹â€ Ã… ¡ The industry is not cyclical with intermittent overcapacity. à ¢Ã‹â€ Ã… ¡ The fixed costs of the business are relatively low portion of total costs. à ¢Ã‹â€ Ã… ¡ There are significant product differences and brand identities between the competitors. à ¢Ã‹â€ Ã… ¡ The competitors are diversified rather than specialized. à ¢Ã‹â€ Ã… ¡ It would not be hard to get out of this business because there are no specialized skills and facilities or long-term contract commitments etc. à ¢Ã‹â€ Ã… ¡ My customers would incur significant costs in switching to a competitor. à ¢Ã‹â€ Ã… ¡ My product is complex and requires a detailed understanding on the part of my customer. à ¢Ã‹â€ Ã… ¡ My competitors are all of approximately the same size as I am. à ¢Ã‹â€ Ã… ¡ INTERPRETATION: Threat of competitors is high because the product is not unique as there are no product differences. Same products are available with all competitors like Unilever, Procter and Gamble, Shield, Oral B. Therefore rivalry is also increasing as demand in the economy has also increased for the last 5 to years. Majority of the competitors are MNCs which means that they have the necessary resource and skill (Hiatt, Jeff). Government Factors: Government regulations do have an affect on the rivalry among the competitors. Political factors: Political factors do not affect the rivalry among the competitors Economic factors Economic factors do affect the rivalry among the competitors as all the players in the industry want to have cost leadership. The economic factors are favoring intense competition from the last five years. People have more money at their disposal. Also Pakistan is a consumption oriented society (Hiatt, Jeff). Social trends Social trends have changed, buyer are more aware of their purchases. So the players in the industry are always trying hard to increase their market share (Hiatt, Jeff). Technological change Technology is helping the companies to gain a competitive advantage over their rivals. Also research and development plays an important role in this (Hiatt, Jeff). KEY SUCCESS ACTORS FOR COMPETIVE SUCCESS Low cost production efficiency. CP has plants installed that take only 30 minutes for the plant to shift from the production of one product to the other. High quality manufacturing of products with very few defects. A strong network of wholesale distributors. Gaining ample space on retailer shelves. (Examples Naheed, Aghas, Makro and other small shops.) Attractive packaging and styling. Good length of product lines. Attractive commercials and advertising. Good reputation in the industry along with favorable reputation with buyers. Market penetration Colgate can do market penetration by increasing its advertising, people always associate Colgate with tooth paste and have no awareness that it produces personal and surface care products as well. They should show their logo on all its products so that people know the producers and this will increase customer loyalty and also when people will come to know that Colgate is the producer then new customers will also buy the product (Hiatt, Jeff). They should also increase their promotion efforts by going to school and doing health awareness programs, also they should go to residential areas and make women aware of their surface care and fabric care products such as max, bonus and express etc Product development: Colgate can also do product development by introducing new features in their already existing brands. They can improve their tooth brush quality and features by introducing flexi tooth brushes for special oral care. Also they can introduce whitening features in their feature in their tooth paste; different colors of tooth paste can also be introduced to attract the kinds market. In their fabric care they can introduce in special features of protecting the color of the cloth while washing and also whitening enhancing surfs to give a good shine to while clothes (Hiatt, Jeff). develop systems to involve appropriate stakeholders in the introduction of change SIX THINGS REQUIRED TO EFFECTIVELY IMPLEMENTING A STRATEGY According to Porter, to implement a strategy effectively six things should be followed: Create a formal plan: Distributor Quantity Item Price Negotiation, Inventory Reporting, Stock Details, Payment Terms HR Module Inventory / Store Create a multifunctional team: To effectively implement ERP, Colgate must first hire an independent resource firm. Acquire licensing for SAP Implementation. Establish an independent IT unit for the monitoring of ERP. This department will coordinate with all the other departments (Robbins S, Mukerji). Communication of strategy: inside and outside: All employees in the company should be made aware of the new automated system. Each employee must be provided a minimal insight of SAP but those employees who have to work on SAP the most should ofcourse be provided with proper training course of SAP. These include: Factory Manager Manager accounts Warehouse Manager Distribution team Consumer insight department Outside the company the strategy to implement ERP should be communicated properly to all the local and foreign suppliers of Colgate Palmolive (Hagberg). Consistency over time: As Information Technology is progressing day by day, new changes in ERP are expected after certain time periods. Therefore it would become very important for Colgate to cope up with the changes in the software. For this purpose it would need to update it employees by providing training whenever any change takes place in SAP (Hagberg). Use proper measurements: Other measures, not just financial measures would be required to test whether the system is working properly. These measures include: Whether the system is accurately forecasting demand, sales, price changes Whether or not there are any deviations in the actual versus projected sales Effectiveness of the internal processes after the strategy implementation (Robbins S, Mukerji). Test the strategy: Ask employees and senior management in all departments whether they are satisfied with the new system of working. Talk to suppliers and distributors whether they want any more improvements in the new system of working (Hagberg). KEY DRIVING FORCES Industry growth: Now most of the people have knowledge about the different products and its advantages. The intense competition in industry and high demand enables the new entrants to compete in this market (Hagberg). Product innovation: Innovation in product, as Colgate has just introduced Max fresh in which the coolant crystals are present which none of the competitors has adopted yet. There is also room in innovation in washing detergents (Hagberg). Changing societal concerns, attitudes and lifestyle: Since social issues are really effecting the use of product just like the use of Miswak which is the Islamic mode of cleaning the teeth (Hagberg). Use of E-commerce and Internet: Usage of online ordering and maintaining the stock level through e-commerce can be driving force in the industry. By using that they can provide products to customer which is value addition for them (Hagberg). This report is purely based on the finding from the Colgate expert and the secondary data analysis, and the reason for writing the whole report is to find the obstacle / hindrance a business men face and how the organization can minimize it through implementing the different strategies and analysis. The whole report research draws attention to  the fact that any problem can be eliminate if proper investigation and consideration can be observed the success is easy to get, Pakistan market is mature market and the competition is tough here because most of the customer is price conscious and act like butterflies, so targeting this kind of customer is quite difficult, but on the other hand it can be managed if the you can understand the market effectively and efficiently (Robbins S, Mukerji). Hiatt, Jeff. HYPERLINK http://www.change-management.com/tutorial-definition-history.htmThe definition and history of change managementHYPERLINK http://www.change-management.com/tutorial-definition-history.htm. http://www.change-management.com/tutorial-definition-history.htm. Filicetti, John (August 20, 2007). HYPERLINK http://www.pmhut.com/pmo-and-project-management-dictionaryProject Management DictionaryHYPERLINK http://www.pmhut.com/pmo-and-project-management-dictionary Moore, E.R., (accessed 1 April, 2001), Creating Organizational Cultures: An Ethnographic Study, Eastern Academy of Management Virtual Proceedings, Moore, E.R., (accessed 1 April, 2001), Creating Organizational Cultures: An Ethnographic Study, Eastern Academy of Management Virtual Proceedings, , R. Ph.D. Heifetz, D.Ph., 2000 (accessed 4 April, 2001), Corporate HagbergCulture/Organisational Culture: UnderJerryding and Assessment, Robbins S, Mukerji D (1994). Managing organisations. Prentice Hall of Australia, McPhersons Printing Group, Australia. Sergiovanni, T.J. (1984) Educational Leadership, Leadership and excellence in schooling, Volume 41, Number 5, United States of America, page 4-13 Kent State University 2000 (accessed 28thMarch, 2001), Kent State University Cultural Self-Study Internal Communication of Change By Dagmar Recklies Circling the Pyramid Building Lasting Commitment to Change  Ã‚   (pdf-file) by Edmond Mellina What Makes a Good Change Agent? by Dagmar Recklies The Role of the Change Master From Change Agent to HYPERLINK http://www.themanager.org/Strategy/Change Master.htmHYPERLINK http://www.themanager.org/Strategy/Change Master.htmChange MasterHYPERLINK http://www.themanager.org/Strategy/Change Master.htm By Ruth Tearle Managing Change Definition and Phases in Change Processes by Oliver Recklies Problems in Managing Change by Oliver Recklies AuditNet.org provides a downloadable PDF of change management best practices. Fred Nickols wrote HYPERLINK http://home.att.net/~nickols/change.htmHYPERLINK http://home.att.net/~nickols/change.htmChange Management 101: A Primer.HYPERLINK http://home.att.net/~nickols/change.htm SearchCRM.com provides resources on handling change management following a CRM upgrade. Neglecting your change control process can kill an IT disaster recovery plan.

Cyprus’ Accession in NATOs Partnership for Peace

Cyprus’ Accession in NATOs Partnership for Peace ABSTRACT: The contemporary political debate which has emerged recently in the political arena of Cyprus regarding the issue of Cyprus’ accession in NATO’s programme Partnership for Peace (PfP) provoked a rich discussion concerning the historical orientation of the country’s foreign policy. Although Cyprus has been a full member of the European Union since the 1st of May 2004, its comprehensive participation to European Security and Defence Policies and structures is questioned and partly limited. This statement is an emanation of the fact that Cyprus constitutes the only Member State in the EU, which is neither a member of NATO nor of the PfP. Therefore, the Cypriot indirect absence from ‘Western’ security and defence structures combined with the Turkish intensive participation causes several internal and external implications and raise doubts concerning, both the exact role of Cyprus in the European Security system, as well as the future of the dialogue regar ding relations between NATO and the EU. This paper explores three different phases of Cyprus’ foreign policy and tries to evaluate the reasons which led to the partial adjustment in its directions. In particular, throughout the Cold War, Cyprus implemented a policy of the Non-Aligned Movement. However, in 1990 it applied for EEC membership transforming its foreign policy and shaping a European orientation. Nevertheless, since February 2008 the new elected President Demetris Christofias – a former leader of the communist party AKEL- has been categorically rejecting to put Cyprus in the path of accession into the NATO’s PfP. As the conclusion states, although Cyprus’ foreign policy is Europe-oriented, there are particular cases which prove that the country’s foreign policy is not linear and is partially modulated depending on the government’s political and ideological orientation. The final assessment of whether the foreign policy transformati ons are rational and beneficial for Cyprus remains controversial and open to different interpretations. Introduction The exercise and implementation of foreign policy comprise a decisive parameter which marks and defines the state’s external behaviour, as well as its politico-ideological placement in the international system. Undoubtedly, the establishment and cultivation of external relations, as well as the ability to inaugurate diplomatic contacts with other states and international organizations, are all fundamental elements of international relations, which enhance and reinforce the state’s position in the international scene and improve the climate of cooperation between states. However, a basic question that needs to be addressed and evaluated concerning the implementation of foreign policy is whether it remains steady and linear, or is being transformed and adjusted depending on evolving national interests and the rapid changes which are observed in the international environment. If the latter scenario is the case, the question which arises has to do with the variety of differ ent factors which contribute and lead to the transformation and the partial redefinition of the national foreign policy direction. Despite the fact that it is a relatively small island, the Republic of Cyprus has had a rich and diverse history, . This paper will examine the case study of Cyprus’ foreign policy, analysing and critically approaching its evolutionary process throughout the years, trying to contribute to the discussion concerning the orientations and transformations of the country’s foreign policy throughout its existence. As the methodological type of this research is a case study, this paper tries to focus on the historical process of Cyprus’ foreign policy seeking to assess the factors which led to its partial redefinition and rethinking during three crucial stages of its history. It is worthy to clarify that the purpose of this paper is not to present and examine the Cyprus Problem per se, but how Cyprus saw and still sees its place in Europe through the exercise and implementation of its foreign policy. This explanatory case study attempts to evaluate three different stages which reveal the ‘asymmetric nature’ and non linear orientation of the country’s foreign policy . As the conclusion states, although Cyprus after 1990 has been following a steady European orientation, its foreign policy has not changed, but is partly modulated and adjusted depending on the ideological background of the party in government. The following analysis will prove that despite the fact that Cyprus’ foreign policy is Europe-oriented, some of its aspects are now hostage to the government’s ideology. What diversifies this paper from the existing literature is the interplay between internal and external dynamics in foreign policy perceptions. The structure of the Work This paper is divided into three parts based on three different approaches and periods of Cyprus’ foreign policy. The first chapter examines Cyprus’ foreign policy in the very early years of its existence, when it faced the dilemma of either being a satellite state, expressing support to either of the two superpowers, or to remain neutral. Bypassing the intensive disagreement from the Turkish Cypriot Vice President, President Makarios, took the decision to participate in the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) in 1961 keeping the country away from the direct epicentre of the Cold War. After following a non-aligned foreign policy during the Cold War and with the Cyprus problem being unresolved, the Cypriot political leadership decided that the country needed to dramatically change the orientation of its foreign policy.    Following the brief examination of Cyprus’ non-aligned foreign policy during the Cold War, the second chapter deals clearly with the immediate post Co ld-War era, where one could notice a total shift and a significant alteration of the country’s foreign policy. This chapter argues that the period after 1990 can be characterized as an effort from the Cyprus government to approach and join the Western European structures maintaining at the same time, friendly relations with the former Soviet Union countries. In 1990, Cyprus applied for membership of the EEC in order to achieve a series of national, political, and economic goals. The third chapter will present and analyze one of the most recent and contemporary political debates, concerning the issue of Cyprus’ comprehensive participation in European Security and Defence structures and policies, with additional emphasis on the issue of Cyprus’ prospect of joining NATO’s PfP. After the examination and analysis of the above three periods which showed a different motivation from Cypriot governments concerning the orientation of foreign policy, this paper concludes with an overall assessment of the aforementioned issues. Although the purpose of this paper is not to make predictions and speculations for the future, it is necessary to pose some crucial questions for further research about how Cyprus sees its place in Europe. Literature review – Methodological approach – Conceptual clarifications It is widely accepted that the Cyprus problem is by its nature a very tenebrous, sensitive, ambiguous and controversial political problem which can be approached from a variety of different political angles depending on the way one understands the various balances and realities in Cyprus. When studying cases like Cyprus, an objective researcher must take into account a series of different variables concerning the politico-ideological ambiguities in the context of the Cyprus political arena in order to be objective and formulate realistic arguments. A significant limitation which emerges in research methodology, as well as in the process of the examination and evaluation of recourses is the question of subjectivity and the realistic interpretation either of the primary sources or of the historical proceedings. The way the political life in Cyprus is structured, provides a rich philosophical tradition of debate between the political tendencies, which offers different explanations, diff erent interpretations and even different conclusions. If we apply the theory that a coin has always two sides and an argument has two different explanations, in the case of Cyprus, many coins have too many sides. The present brief literature review presents the major works published in the English language on the Cyprus issue in general. It is worthy to note that the vast majority of social scientific works on Cyprus are focused on Cyprus’ political problem and the conflict between the two communities and their political and territorial aspirations in the island. The impact of the factors which led to the reformulation of foreign policy attitude, or indeed the impact of the political debates in Cyprus’ political arena on foreign policy is comparatively little explored. The works contained herein have been chosen because of their relevance to one or more of the major themes running through the paper. Regarding the three key areas of this research, i.e. ‘Cyprus’ foreign policy’, ‘Cyprus’ EU accession process’ and ‘Cyprus and PfP’ the majority of the literature on Cyprus is extremely vast and enlightening on the second, less so o n the first, and virtually nonexistent on the last. In particular, one contemporary, objective and realistic account is offered by James Ker- Lindsay, [2004,2005,2008]. Ker-Lindsay and Hubert Faustman [2009] also undertook a comprehensive research on the politics and government of Cyprus, providing us a solid argumentation about the country’s political realities. Other historical backgrounds and analysis are offer by other authors like [Markides, 1977] â€Å"The Rise and fall of the Cyprus Republic† [Bitsios, 1975], â€Å"Cyprus: the vulnerable Republic†, [Polyviou, 1975] â€Å"Cyprus: The tragedy and the challenge†. Theophylactou Demetrios presented in 1995 his interpretation concerning the security, identity and the nation building offering a comprehensive work on the Cyprus issue based on a combination of domestic and external factors. Concerning Cyprus’ EU accession process there is an extensive literature. Nattalie Tocci [2004] examined the prospect of Cyprus’ accession process as a catal yst for peace to the political problem and offered an evaluation of the role of the EU to the conflict resolution in Cyprus. Moreover, Theophanous [2005] analysed the role of the EU in the Eastern Mediterranean, and its impact on the Cyprus question.   Additionally, Brewin [2000], Christou [2004] and Stephanou [2005], analyzed the period of accessions negotiations and assessed the implications which emerged in the country’s accession process and in the path towards the final membership. Nevertheless, the focus of the third chapter, concerning the Cyprus’ application for PfP membership constitutes a very contemporary issue and thus almost absent from the current literature. However, this does not mean that it will be consumed in speculation theories, as it is a useful example which proves that Cyprus’ foreign policy is not linear and is being adjusted depending on a series of political, national and ideological factors. Therefore, the author has used many comprehensive accounts on Cyprus and the Cyprus problem which also evaluate some of the basic foreign policy aspects that are assessed in this paper. Furthermore the works of [Howorth 2007] on European Security and Defence Policy and [Kentas 2005] on Cyprus and PfP were very helpful for this particular analysis Moreover, as there is a need to understand the position of the political parties, it was attempted to take interviews from all political parties, as well as from members of the core-executive. I t can be argued that the interviews offered the author the opportunity to better understand the existing political perceptions especially about the issue of PfP. A ‘diplomatic neutrality’:   Cyprus’ Foreign policy of the Non-Aligned Movement The agreements negotiated in Zurich and London in February 1959 between the three guarantor powers Greece, Turkey and the United Kingdom led to the declaration of the Republic of Cyprus in 1960 . Apart from the domestic political implications, President Makarios, who was the first President of Cyprus, faced an early challenge and a significant dilemma. The specific dilemma and foreign policy decision has partly marked the country’s path and participation in international politico-economic affairs. In the apex of the Cold War, and with the international balances being sensitive and fragile, Cyprus’ government had three options regarding its foreign policy position and reaction to the global and political classifications. Firstly, there was a weakened assumption that Cyprus should have joined NATO as it belongs in the sphere of its influence and due to the fact that the three guarantor powers of the Republic are members of NATO. Besides the island’s strong indirect bonds with NATO, one could argue that, according to the informal and secret agreement between the Greek Prime Minister Constantinos Karamanlis and his Turkish counterpart Mederes, which was signed in Zurich in February 1959, Greece and Turkey, agreed to support a future Cyprus accession in NATO. However, the paradox of this case implies the fact that Makarios was informed and agreed to the specific provision of the agreement. Secondly, there has been a perception that Cyprus would have drifted to the Soviet bloc, due to the impact, the friendly relations and the significant power of the communist party in Cyprus – AKEL with the Soviet executive structures. However, those who knew and understood the political philosophy of Pre sident Makarios, realized that the most appropriate foreign policy option for Cyprus was the direction of the Non-Aligned Movement, as an effort to approach the third-world countries and the Arab world. The Non-Aligned Movement constitutes an international organisation of states considering themselves not formally and directly aligned with or against any major power bloc . As James Ker-Lindsay accurately observes, in 1955 ‘Makarios was one of the many leaders who attended the Afro-Asian Conference in Bandung in Indonesia’ . However, all scenarios that Cyprus would have joined and expressed support to either of the two superpowers remained only speculation, as Makarios decided that the best foreign policy direction for Cyprus was to join the NAM. An observation of the Cypriot daily press of the period shows that the decision generated slight repercussions in some political and social lobbies on both a domestic and international level. In particular, it is worthy to note that the Non-Aligned orientation provoked the intensive disagreement of the Turkish Cypriot vice president Dr. Fazil Kutchuk, despite the fact that he did not exert his veto right to block the decision . It is commonly believed that the Turkish Cypriot vice president was urged by Ankara to accept Makarios’ decision to make Cyprus a member of the NAM. Turkey’s political leadership believed that if Cyprus joined NATO and participated in the political and security structures of the Western alliance, Turkey’s ability to i ntervene in Cyprus on any occasion under Article 4 of the Treaty of Guaranty would be severely curtailed and subject to delays as it would need the essential approval of the other NATO member states. During the procedures of the Belgrade Conference in 1961 Cyprus became one of the twenty five founder states of the NAM. A basic explanation of this choice, which does not require any political analysis is that Makarios maintained excellent and friendly relations with a number of leading figures from Bandung’s Conference, especially Yugoslavia’s Josep Broz Tito and Egypt’s Abdul Gamal Nasser, and he was already forging a reputation as a leader across the Arab world . Moreover, the fact that Makarios’ first official overseas visit was to Egypt to see his very good friend and colleague President Nasser instead of visiting Greece was unexpected.    Additionally, the general consensus regarding the choice of NAM is proved by the fact that, even General Georgios Grivas who was the leader of EOKA and then one of the most intensive sources of opposition over Makarios’ policies, claimed that the movement towards the Arab world was promising and successful, expressing simultaneously his frustration at the way the Western allies treated Cyprus. Furthermore, he did not hesitate to call the Greek government to withdraw from NATO . Apart from the above, the general social frustration concerning the way the Western Allies treated Greek Cypriots during several times in contemporary Cyprus history, constituted another reason which demonized NATO in the eyes of the Greek Cypriot people. The initial negative experience the Cypriots obtained from the West has concerned the way the British responded to the demand of self determination and union with Greece. Although Cypriots participated and fought for the British in the Second World War, the British governments misplaced Cypriot hopes that Britain would have taken a more encouraging and positive position regarding the issue of union with Greece. Moreover, another crucial reason which proves the social disappointment to the British attitude has been the content and provisions of the various partitionist plans for a settlement proposed by several British officials. In particular such plans prepared and submitted by Marshal Sir John Harding in 1956 in his negotiations with Makarios, the ideas of Lord Radcliffe in December of the same year and the comprehensive proposal prepared by British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan in 1958. All these plans were assessed and rejected as unacceptable by the Greek Cypriot leadership and provoked a general mistrust against British policy over Cyprus. The issue of the Greek appeal in the UN seems to be very crucial. After the referendum organized by the Orthodox Church calling for unity with Greece . Theophylactou, who offers an interpretation of Makarios’ position, claims that Makarios, ‘whose political philosophy was steadily moving away from Athens national policy vis- a- vis Cyprus, had dismissed enosis and adopted a policy of Non-alignment and independence for Cyprus’ . Furthermore, it is noticeable that Greece was highly economically dependent on economic and financial support from the West and did not wish to endanger the loss of its economic lank. As Makarios committed himself to the NAM he began to pursue his own political initiatives. Evaluating his policies one could argue that the vast majority of his decisions were gradually being contradicted with the policies of the National Centre. Makarios was being supported by AKEL and he was trying to implement policies that satisfied the party’s electorate as he was heavily reliant on AKEL’s support. Nevertheless, after the breakdown of peace in Cyprus the US with the active support of Britain tried to propose plans to bring about a settlement. After the rejection of the Acheson plans by Makarios in 1964 and his broader approach to the Soviet Union, the US through their President Johnson had been worried about the possibility of Cyprus eventually becoming ‘the Cuba of Mediterranean’ and Makarios the Castro of the area . However, assessing the role of the NAM in the efforts for a settlement in the Cyprus issue, it is questioned whether it has positively and actively contributed or whether its support was limited in rhetoric. It is worthy to note that interviewing the political party officers in the Greek Cypriot side, there is not an intense assumption that the direction of NAM was wrong and no party criticised Makarios for the specific orientation he attributed to the country’s foreign policy. In the following years the political anomaly had dramatically increased. In July 1974, Turkey found the pretext to impose its partitionist plans against Cyprus, following the coup of 15th of July, perpetrated against the elected government of President Makarios by the Athens military junta. On July 20, claiming to act under article 4 of the Treaty of Guarantee, the Turkish armed forces staged a full scale invasion against Cyprus. Though the invasion was in violation of all rules of international legality, including the UN Charter, Turkey proceeded to occupy the northern part of the island. Later on, the basis for a solution of the Cyprus problem was set in two High Level Agreements. Both agreements, (between President Makarios and the Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktash, in February 1977 and between President Kyprianou and Denktash in May 1979), were concluded under the auspices of the UN Secretary General. Apart from the High Level Agreements several initiatives were attempted especially from the Greek-Cypriot side to find a settlement through UN mediation. In particular until 1990 one could argue that the initiatives of the Secretary Generals of the UN Kurt Waldheim, Javier Pà ©rez de Cuà ©llar and Boutros Boutros Ghali were the most comprehensive efforts for a settlement. All the above initiatives clashed to the intransigent position of the Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktash. After the subsequent failures to inaugurate negotiations for the resolution of the Cyprus problem, which was the primary foreign policy objective for the Cyprus Government, the Cypriot pol itical leadership decided in 1990 to change the orientation of the country’s foreign policy.   Ã¢â‚¬ËœWesternisation’ of Foreign Policy:   Cyprus’ European orientation as a catalyst for peace or source of further implications? The end of the Cold War, proved that the Western and European structures and values would dominate in the new era which was emerging and uprising. As the most sensitive issue for Cyprus was the necessity to intensify the efforts to find a negotiated settlement to the Cyprus problem, the Cypriot political leadership realised the need to partly transform the country’s foreign policy, implementing a policy aiming at a final accession into the EEC/EU. However, this foreign policy transformation created a strong reaction and opposition from AKEL. The communist party which had positively contributed to the election of President Vasiliou in the Cypriot Presidency in 1988, declared an intensive disagreement concerning Cyprus’ application for EEC membership. According to the official AKEL’s position, they considered the EEC as an imperialistic and neoliberal economic organisation which was using its economic power to pursue its political power in the world against the interests of the poor countries . AKEL saw the EEC as just another Western ally of the United States and NATO and strongly believed that Cyprus has no place and nothing to be benefited from organizations which organized and advocated to the Turkish invasion and the conspiracy of 1974. On the contrary all the other political parties including the right wing Democratic Rally (DHSY), the centre wing Democratic Party (DHKO) and the Socialist Party (EDEK) were vigorously supporting Cyprus’ accession and harmonization to the European structures . In the meantime, in 1993 Glafkos Clerides, the leader of the right wing Democratic Rally, a former President of the House of Representatives (Vouli) and a Greek Cypriot negotiator in the inter-communal talks of 1968-1974, was elected President of the Republic. Initially, his election brought a new prospect for Cyprus, as he was one of the most constant politicians and supporters of Cyprus’ accession into the EU. A central issue of this foreign policy transformation has been the role of the EU and its mediation in the conflict resolution in Cyprus and the outcomes of Cyprus’ EU foreign policy orientation. It is widely accepted that throughout the years, the vast majority of initiatives for a negotiated settlement have been undertaken by the United Nations, with the active support of the United States . Until the early 1990s, the EC/EU was almost absent from the efforts for a settlement. That was because the role of the EC/EU as an international actor until the end of the Cold War was partially undermined. Its contribution to the conflict resolution using civilian and diplomatic instruments was poor. As Olga Demetriou accurately argues, â€Å"the EU has played a minor role in the search for a solution to the Cyprus conflict in comparison with the UN and Britain, and even the US† . However, during the last decade of the 20th century and the first decade of the 21st a substantial shift to the EU’s role in the resolution of the Cyprus problem is noticed which vindicates the aspirations of Cypriot leadership. With the growth of the European Integration process and the initial empowerment of the EU’s role as an international actor during the early 1990s with the ratification of the Maastricht Treaty in 1993, European involvement in South-Eastern Europe grew steadily for a variety of different reasons. The political situation in the Middle East, the Euro-Turkish relations, as well as the substantial issue of immigration, have all constituted the main reasons of the EU’s broader interest in the region. Apart from that, Cyprus’ geographical location at the crossroads of three continents, made it inevitably very crucial as regards the security dimension . As aforementioned, Cyprus’ European orientation â€Å"officially† began in 1990 when it applied for membership in the EEC. Since then, and due to the Turkish European aspiration, as well as the continuous Greek support on the Cyprus problem, the impact of the European Union towards the Cyprus conflict was steadily increasing. Moreover, Cyprus’ application for membership transformed the Cyprus problem into a European issue. However, in the initial stage of the accession process, the political problem was considered an obstacle for the accession and it was suggested that a settlement or at least significant moves towards one were necessary for Cyprus’ accession process to move forward . Various assumptions have been formulated regarding the issue of a settlement as a precondition for the accession. The provoked debate in the European Union has been between those who believed that Cyprus’ EU accession process would act as a catalyst for peace . Obviously, an insistence on a solution before accession would undermine the prospect of Cyprus’ EU accession process to act as a catalyst for peace. The question of whether Cyprus’ accession process should constitute a catalyst for peace was at the centre of the political debate and can be examined from different perspectives in regard to the interests of Greek and Turkish Cypriots. According to Tocci, the EU’s role in the Cyprus problem has two dimensions: â€Å"the impact of the EU as a framework on conflict resolution efforts, and the impact of the accession process on the parties in conflict† . This paper argues that the fact which constituted a crucial help in the resolution of the Cyprus problem was not Cyprus’ final accession in the EU, rather the effect of Cyprus’ EU accession process especially during the final stage. Additionally, another factor has been the partial shift in Turkish foreign policy, as a result of the Turkish European aspirations, which became more active after the coming of power of the AKP. The final stage of the EU accession process which coincided with the latest initiative of the Secretary General of the United Nations Kofi Anan had diverse effects to the policies of the two communities . It is important to mention that the EU, as well as the international community, tried in several ways to support the Yes campaign in both communities. There is no doubt that on both sides there were several political parties which were more active to the idea of a solution prior to accession. However there were parties which hardened their positions due to the elections in both communities before the referenda. For those who were in favour of a solution prior to accession, the Anan plan constituted an opportunity for a solution. Moreover, the EU had declared and urged the two communities to accept the Anan plan, showing its active support for a solution prior to accession based on the specific plan. Another significant element which shows the EU’s positive involvement in the efforts for a resolution was its vigilance to economically support a possible solution prior to accession, as well as to provide financial aid to the new state, in order to eliminate the economic dispropor tion between the two communities. The decision to apply for membership in 1990 can be interpreted as an aim of â€Å"strengthening the Greek Cypriot bargaining position in negotiations† . Moreover Cyprus’ accession would confirm the Turkish attack and occupation of an EU member state. To put it differently, the EU, in its various structural, institutional and conceptual manifestations, has played, is still playing and is envisioned as having to play in the future, a variety of roles concerning the conflict in Cyprus. It remains to be seen whether this involvement will change in the future and whether the outcome of any mediation will bring a new prospect for Cyprus and its people. An overall assessment of Cyprus’ EU orientation reveals that the decision to apply for EEC membership in 1990 and partly transform the country’s foreign policy was a correct political evaluation and anticipation of the future prospects.   However, Cyprus retained very good and friendly relations with other former Soviet states as well as with countries of the Arab Worlds and the NAM. Nevertheless, Cyprus as a full member of the EU, is implementing a Europe-oriented foreign policy which is relevant with the European structures and values.   Is this statement always the c ase for Cyprus? An observation of some contemporary debates regarding Cyprus’ foreign policy and the country’s role in the international system, shows that sometimes, the country’s foreign policy is hostage to other factors which hamper it from its natural European orientation. The internal political debate about the issue of Cyprus’ application for Partnership for Peace membership which will be examined and assessed in the next chapter will prove the correctness of the above assumption. Cyprus’ Foreign Policy Hostage to ideology:   The issue of Partnership for Peace.   The process of Europeanization defined as a process of domestic change in order to align national policies with European structures as a result of potential membership- . This section will examine the contemporary debate which emerged recently in the Cyprus’ national political arena concerning the issue of Cyprus’ application for accession into NATO’s programme PfP. Nevertheless, before analysing the domestic political debate regarding the issue of PfP, there is a necessity to clarify and examine some basic theoretical issues about the evolving role of the EU as an actor in the international system. This analysis is crucial, as it is related with the uncertain relations between NATO and the EU which directly affect the examined case of Cyprus and PfP. History proves to us that initiatives to create a common defence policy are not inextricable from European Integration but they are its precondition.   The fact that the efforts have been numerous and of dubious outcome underline the complexity of the goal, but also its necessity. Undoubtedly, the failure of the EDC initiative in 1954, ensured that defence related issues were being discussed outside the EEC context .   However, towards the late 1990s, there was a gradual departure from this policy path. A turning point in the progress made towards ESDP was the summit in St-Malo in December 1998 . Furthermore, relations between the EU and NATO came into question regarding this issue. However , despite the efforts and the to date implementation of 23 missions, the extent to which EU’s security and defence role in the new security architecture in the immediate post-cold war period

How Priestly Uses the Characters to Represent His Own Views on Society :: An Inspector Calls Edwardian Society Essays

How Priestly Uses the Characters to Represent His Own Views on Society The play "An Inspector Calls" is set in 1912 but was written in 1945. Edwardian society at that time (1912) was strictly divided into social classes and over two-thirds of the nation's wealth was in the hands of less than 1% of the population. Below the very rich were the middle classes (doctors and merchants, shop workers and clerks), after that came the craftsmen and skilled workers. At the very bottom of the social ladder was the largest class of all - the ordinary workers and the poor, many of whom lived below the poverty level. The men of industry treated the workers very badly and they were paid pittance. This caused workers to become better organised and strikes were becoming more frequent as they demanded better conditions and higher pay. J.B. Priestley was writing the play for a middle class audience and was trying to speak up for the working class by showing how the Birlings and Gerald Croft were all involved in making a young working class girl's life a misery. Priestley wants to show us that we have a responsibility to others to act fairly and without prejudice and that we do not live in isolation. Our actions affect others. This is the concept of collective responsibility. Priestley says, 'things could really improve if only people were to become more socially responsible for the welfare of others'. We have to confront our mistakes and learn from them. The play starts off with the Birling family celebrating their daughter's engagement to Gerald Croft. The family included Mr Birling, Mrs Birling, Eric Birling, Sheila Birling and Gerald Croft. Arthur Birling is glad because Gerald is the son of his business competitor and it will be a merger of businesses. Through the middle of the dinner there is a knock at the door. This is where we meet inspector Goole. He tells the family that a girl has committed suicide and that in one way or another they are responsible. Mr Birling was responsible for sacking the girl from his factory. Sheila Birling was responsible because she got the girl sacked from a shop where she works. Eric Birling was seeing her but the broke it off, and Gerald Croft was having an affair with her but he also broke it off. All of their morals are tested and they are all put to the test because none of them really know the truth about what they have done until the inspector brings it out of them. After the inspector goes the family finds out that he was a fake and that no girl had died.

The White Man’s Burden :: Literary Analysis, Kipling

In the â€Å"White Man’s Burden†, Rudyard Kipling claims that it is the duty or burden of the white men to civilize the non-whites, to educate them and to religiously lift them (lecture notes, 2/8). Kipling is specifically talking about the colonized non-whites (lecture notes, 2/8). The idea that the newly colonized non-whites were lacking and needing help from a greater society was common among American whites at this time (lecture notes, 2/8). Rudyard uses the whites’ public feelings towards the issue and writes â€Å"The White Man’s Burden† in an attempt to move the whites to help the non-whites because he thinks it is a very beneficial movement for the U.S. Rudyard meant this poem to be a shocking and informative form of encouragement for the whites to take up the burden of saving the non-white civilizations that they have now signed up for responsibility over. In â€Å"The White Man’s Burden†, Rudyard claims that the whites are bound to help the non-whites out of religious duty and for the whites’ own good (Rudyard). In the last stanza, Rudyard also explains that the non-whites have been through a lot do to the whites’ imperialism (Rudyard). Although he explains the non-whites’ grievances, Rudyard does not really seem to be that sympathetic for the non-whites but instead, he seems to think very little of them and pretty much says they are incapable of taking care of themselves. At the time that Rudyard published â€Å"The White Man’s Burden†, whites were already conflicted on what to do about the non-whites (US, 437). Some whites claimed that there should be little to no intervention of the whites on the non-white societies because Charles Darwin’s theory of â€Å"survival of the fittest† is the way that things should be (US, 437). The whites who were for intervention argued that it was the humane and religious duty of whites to become involved (US, 437). They also exclaimed that it was better to help the non-white develop because of the need for trade (US, 437). Because there had already been such a debate between the whites over this issue, Rudyard’s poem gained attention quick (lecture notes, 2/8). Rudyard’s work gained attention of American leaders and became an inspiration for future actions of imperialism (lecture notes, 2/8). Rudyard’s poem seemed to have gained a lot of popularity because of his tone of nationalism. In the poem, he basically says that in order to be respected as one of the greater nations, America has to do some charity work and help some of the less fortunate (Rudyard).

Basal Cell Carcinoma

Basal Cell Carcinoma (BCC) or ‘rodent ulcer’ is a malignant tumor of the skin that develops from the basal cell layer of the epidermis and also from the hair follicles. It is a slow-growing tumor that usually develops in sun-affected skin. The tumor does not tend to metastases to other parts of the body but may invade surrounding tissues (Halachmi, 2006). Basal cell carcinoma is a type of skin cancer that does not develop from the cells that produce melanin (non-melanocytic type of tumors).It is the most common form of skin cancer and includes 75 % of all skin cancers (Halachmi, 2006). The condition frequently develops in individuals exposed to high amounts of radiation and sunlight (Halachmi, 2006). In the US, Basal cell carcinoma is the most common form of skin cancer. The incidences is higher in Australia, than in the UK and US. However, BCC does not seem to be a life-threatening condition. The incidence of Basal cell carcinoma is rising by about 10 % every year, thro ughout the World. The lifetime risk of developing BCC is about 30 % in Whites (Wong, 2003).There are several types of BCC including nodular, superficial types, sclerosing type, pigmented type and the multiple-superficial type. The superficial type is usually present on the face and is seen as a growth of tissues having rolled out margins. Sometimes, the contents of the tumor may be cystic. The lesion may also appear pigmented. Frequently, nodular lesions may ulcerate or bleed when minimal trauma is applied over them. The sclerosing type usually appears as a thickened scar following surgery. BCC usually develops in the age group of 40 years and above.Individuals who are frequently exposed to excessive sunlight or ultraviolet rays, those develop sunburns, or who have developed sunburns during childhood, or those who have developed skin cancers (such as BCC, squamous cell carcinoma and melanoma) are at a higher risk of developing BCC (NDZL, 2007). Sometimes BCC may develop in families. In certain conditions such as Gorlin's syndrome, albinism, basal cell nevus syndrome and Barex syndrome, which runs in families, the risk of developing BCC is higher (NDZL, 2007).Light-skinned individuals and those having blond or red-colored hair, blue or green eyes are at greater chances of developing this condition. Frequently, over-exposure to x-rays, ultraviolet and other forms of radiation may worsen the risk of developing BCC. The incidence of BCC in younger individuals is on the rise (as they may like to undergo sun tanning and spend a lot of time outdoors). Individuals who are on immunosuppressant therapy are also at a higher risk of developing BCC (Wong, 2003). BCC usually begins as a painless growth on the outer layer of relatively normal looking skin.The tumor tends to grow and spread very slowly, and may vary in size from a two to three millimeters in the early stages to a few centimeters in the later stages. Sometimes, the lesion may ulcerate and the wound does not he al with usual amount of time. The lesion may bleed easily as the blood vessels may be involved with the tumor. The nerves may also be involved with the cancer. The affected portion of the skin may appear different. Sometimes, pigmented forms of BCC may develop such as pearly or waxy bumps or swellings (usually appears in this form), white or pink lesions, brown or flesh-colored lesions.The lesion may also be felt as a bump or a small swelling. The regional lymph nodes are usually not involved during the early stages of the disease and the tumor does not spread to other parts of the body, in the initial stages. Frequently, the lesion exhibits oozing or crusting on the surface. Sometimes, the lesion may develop from a scar left back following surgery. The lesion may also develop as a small depressed spot on the surface of the skin. The tumor can develop on several parts of the body such as the head, neck, scalp, ears, chest, face, nose, eyes, hands, legs, back, genitals, etc.It is mor e frequent in the portions of the body exposed to sunlight. The diagnosis of BCC is made based on the history, symptoms, signs, detailed physical examination, laboratory tests (to determine the spread of cancerous cells in the blood) and biopsy. The physician will take a detailed history to determine if the individual has had a previous history of certain skin disorders and also to study the family risk patterns. A detailed examination of the lesion is performed, and the physician will study its size, shape, color, consistency, the regional lymph nodes and spread to the surrounding structures of the body (Halachmi, 2006).The diagnosis is usually confirmed by taking a sample of the tissue for biopsy. The biopsy demonstrates the development of the tumor from the basal cell layer of the epidermis. Cancerous features are present in the sample (Halachmi, 2006). The treatment of BCC various depending on the size of the lesion, general condition of the patient, spread to other parts of the body, part of the body involved with the cancer, involvement of neighboring tissues and lymph nodes, etc. Small superficial lesions are treated by shaving off or scraping the tumor, along with curettage and cauterization (using electric current) (NDZL, 2003).Cauterization helps to destroy the residual cancerous cells that may be present in the surrounding tissues. A suture may be applied to ensure that the lesion heals without any problems. Larger basal cell carcinoma lesions are treated by removing the diseased tissue (excision), along with a margin of the normal tissues and suturing the skin (NDZL, 2003). A graft may be required in certain situations, to ensure the lesion heals properly. In certain types of BCC, an immune-modifying agent Immiquimod can be utilized to encourage the immune system to destroy the cancerous cells.Photosensitizing agents such as Metvix can be utilized to treat the superficial forms of BCC (photodynamic therapy). Once this medication is applied over the lesion, the oxygen and light tend to bring about a chemical reaction that destroy the cancerous cells. This treatment may usually require for the sclerosing type of BCC. Cryotherapy (treatment using cold substances such as liquid nitrogen) is also effective in destroying the cancerous cells. Some tumors that do not spread to other parts of the body and to the lymph nodes can be treated with radiotherapy (in which high-energy waves are utilized to destroy the cancerous cells).It may be required especially in elders who tend to develop lesions on their face. The cure rate following radiotherapy is about 90 % (Wong, 2003). Laser therapy can also be utilized to treat the tumor. Individuals with recurrent and invasive forms of the disease may require Moh’s microscopically controlled excision. It is especially recommended if the borders of the tumor are ill-defined and cannot be determined. Microscopic examinations of the excised lesions are usually conducted whilst the patient is being operated. The tumor is removed until a margin of normal tissue is obtained.Many surgeons have gone on to remove larger than usual amounts of the tissues as the unfelt extensions of the lesion are not identified (NDZL, 2003). The success rate is usually good following Moh’s procedure. It can also be utilized to treat recurrences of BCC (NCI, 2007). The outcome of BCC is usually good, and depends on several factors such as size and spread of the tumor to the neighboring tissues, lymph nodes and distant parts of the body, and the promptness in detecting the cancer and initiating treatment. Very rarely, the tumor results in fatal outcome (Wong, 2003).Usually, the chances of recurrences are less than one percent (Halachmi, 2006). Individuals undergoing Moh’s procedure may have a higher recurrence rate (it is about 10 %) as the tumor may have spread to surrounding structures (due to delay in treatment) (Halachmi, 2006). Individuals who have been treated for BCC should be regularly be monitored. BCC can be prevented to some extent by lowering exposure to ultraviolet rays present in the sunlight. The skin should be protected with adequate clothing and UV-protective eyewear, especially during the midday and in summer months.A sunscreen that protects from UV A rays and UV B rays should be utilized. The skin should be examined regularly to determine any change in color, texture or appearance. References: American Academy of Dermatology (2006). Basal Cell Carcinoma. Retrieved on April 16, 2006, from AAD Website: http://www. aad. org/public/Publications/pamphlets/BasalCellCarcinoma. htm Halachmi, S. (2006). Basal Cell Carcinoma. Retrieved on April 16, 2006, from Medline Plus Website: http://www. nlm. nih. gov/medlineplus/ency/article/000824.htm National Cancer Institute (2006). Basal Cell Carcinoma of the Skin. Retrieved on April 16, 2006, from NCI Website: http://www. cancer. gov/cancertopics/pdq/treatment/skin/HealthProfessional/page5 New Zealand Dem atoligcal Society (2007). Basal Cell Carcinoma. Retrieved on April 16, 2006, from Derm Net NZ Website: http://dermnetnz. org/lesions/basal-cell-carcinoma. html Wong, C. S. M. , Strange, R. C. and Lear, J. T. (2003). â€Å"Basal Cell Carcinoma. † BMJ, 327, 794-798. http://www. bmj. com/cgi/content/full/327/7418/794